PACE, Postanjyan, Zohrabyan, and Harutunyan

There is quite the uproar about Postanjyan, Harutunyan, and Zohrabyan. The articles abound, RFE/RL has one, as does a1plus, so I won't recap. I'm sure there are details and intricacies that I am not privy to, but why is it not okay for Postanjyan to get support to try to free political prisoners, but okay for Harutunyan to have been at a meeting of the Monitoring Committee and thus have his name on a document that was unanimously accepted and has the following (as pointed out by Postanjyan et al, see the a1plus video):

As regards Azerbaijan’s commitment to the peaceful settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict:

24.1. the Assembly considers that sustainable democratic development will be extremely difficult in Azerbaijan as long as the country’s territorial integrity has not been restored;

24.2. the Assembly takes note of the United Nations General Assembly Resolution “on the situation in the occupied territories of Azerbaijan”, adopted on 14 March 2008, which expresses serious concern that the armed conflict in and around the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan continues to endanger international peace and security, reaffirms Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, expresses support for its internationally recognised borders and demands the immediate withdrawal of Armenian forces from the occupied territories;
...
Draft resolution unanimously adopted by the committee on 27 May 2008

Things are not so pretty with name calling and unpleasanteries all around, especially by Zohrabyan, with more than just intimations that Postanjyan's actions were non/anti-Armenian. Its much more complicated than saying that working with a Turk is anti-Armenian, but I think that is definitely part of it, and Zohrabyan et al are playing on that.
Many Armenians, especially in the Diaspora, seem to think Anti-Turkism is almost as important a part of their identity as the 3000+ years of history we have. This type of distillation of our identity simply to Genocide Recognition/Anti-Turkism is destructive to our nation and our country. Yet time and time again, those who have tried to make headway, including talking to Turks about such issues, have been called traitors by many Armenians. Until the time when they are killed by a Turk, at which time they become National Heroes to those who once slandered and criticized them.
The question is, why did Postanjyan have to even get support from those representatives? How did things get to this point? It should be the other Armenian representatives signing as well (the other Armenian delegates did not sign, including the ARF's Rustamyan). And, some might argue that, having Armenian authorities degrade and oppress its own Armenian people the way it has for over a year now, is worse in some ways than what has been done to us by outsiders.
There is definitely some type of irony(??) in the fact that Azerbaijan and Turkey signed under a document that would allow discussion/support for releasing political prisoners, some of whom had led in battle against Azeris. Hmmm... Turks signing to free Armenians who fought against Azerbaijan- who's on what side? (A gross gross oversimplification, but one I couldn't help making).

Sitting down, laying down... a new trend?

A little while ago, during the impromptu protest during discussion of Amnesty at the National Assembly, a number of protesters decided to sit. Last week women tried to block the departure of a van holding Sasun Mikaelyan by standing on front of, and I think in at least one case, by laying on the groung. And now at the yearly protest in support of Arman Babajanyan, in a valiant effort to not be moved, Vardges Gaspar lay on the ground, refusing to move.
It is very hard to move a sitting body. Though I suppose if the police use the technique they used against the supporters of Javakhk - where they locked shoulders and bulldozed the protesters - it doesn't matter if the bodies are in front of you or below your feet (video).
Note that while the main policeman there is reminiscent of Bazaz, it is in fact Valery Osipyan. I wonder if they trained together, or maybe Osipyan is a Bazaz protege?

Nikol Pashinyan is coming back...

Rough translation in English at a1plus

Ես` Նիկոլ Փաշինյանս, որ 2008 թվականի մարտի 2-ից գտնվում եմ ընդհատակում, ահա ընդհատակից դուրս գալու, եւ քաղաքական պայքարս բանտում շարունակելու որոշում եմ կայացրել: Նման քայլի շուրջ նախկինում նույնպես մտածել եմ, բայց որոշումը կայացրել եմ վերջին իրադարձություններից հետո: Նախկինում որոշման կայացմանը խանգարող ամենահզոր փաստարկը եղել է այն, որ ընդհատակից իմ դուրս գալը եւ բանտում հայտնվելը կարող է հարված դառնալ Համաժողովրդական շարժման համար: Ներկա իրավիճակում այդ վտանգը հաղթահարված եմ համարում, որովհետեւ համաժողովրդական պայքարի արդյունքում իմ քաղբանտարկյալ ընկերներից շատերը ազատություն են ստանում, ինչը նոր լիցք ու ոգեւորություն կհաղորդի Շարժմանը, Հայ ազգային կոնգրեսին: Եւ ուրեմն` հպարտությամբ արձանագրում եմ, որ եկել է քաղբանտարկյալ դառնալու իմ հերթը նույնպես: Ընդհատակից բանտ տեղափոխվելու որոշումս նաեւ արդյունավետ քաղաքական պայքարը շարունակելու մտահոգությամբ է թելադրված: Վերջին 1.3 տարվա ընթացքում գրեթե ամենօրյա ռեժիմով հանդես եմ եկել «Հայկական ժամանակ» օրաթերթում, ստեղծել եմ «Երկրի հակառակ կողմը», սերժանտական հանրային հեռուստատեսության եթերից ուղերձով դիմել եմ ՀՀ քաղաքացիներին, ելույթ եմ ունեցել Հայ ազգային կոնգրեսի բազմահազարանոց հանրահավաքում, իմ ընկերների աջակցությամբ ստեղծել եմ էջ-կայք, պատասխանել եմ այդ էջ-կայքի այցելուների հարյուրավոր հարցերի, հարցազրույցներ եմ տվել մի քանի լրատվամիջոցների, հրապարակել եմ ընդհատակյա լուսանկարներ, մասնակցել եմ մի քանի հայտնի քաղաքացիական երգերի ստեղծմանը: Բոլոր այս քայլերը ձեռնարկել եմ հապացույց այն ճշմարտության, որ մեր պայքարը անկասելի է, մեր հաղթանակը անխուսափելի է, որ մենք պայքարելու ենք մինչեւ վերջ, «օդում, ջրում եւ ցամաքում», պայքարելու ենք այնքան ժամանակ, քանի դեռ Հայաստանը չենք ազատել ավազակապետական բեսպրեդելից, քանի դեռ Հայաստանը չենք դարձրել Սահմանադրության եւ օրինականության երկիր, քանի դեռ չենք ստեղծել Ազատ եւ Երջանիկ Հայաստան, որը ապահով տուն եւ տաք օջախ է իր քաղաքացիների համար: Եւ ուրեմն` բանտ տեղափոխվելու իմ որոշումը պետք է դիտարկել հենց այս տեսանկյունից, որովհետեւ ընդհատակից պայքարը նախկին արդյունավետությամբ շարունակելու հնարավորությունները սպառված են, մեծանում է կրկնվելու, ճահճանալու վտանգը: Պայքարին նոր լիցք է հարկավոր, եւ այդ նոր լիցքը իմ քաղբանտարկյալ ընկերների մի մասը կհաղորդի` ազատության մեջ հայտնվելով, ինքս հույս ունեմ այդ լիցքը հաղորդել բանտում հայտնվելով: Այս պահին նպատակահարմար չեմ համարում բարձրաձայնել ընդհատակից դուրս գալու կոնկրետ օրվա մասին: Կարող եմ ասել միայն, որ դա տեղի կունենա առաջիկա մեկ ամսվա ընթացքում: Չեմ որոշել նաեւ, թե «իրավապահ» ո՞ր կառույցի, ո՞ր ստորաբաժանում եմ այցելելու: Ներկայումս գտնվում եմ այդ հարցի շուրջ որոշում կայացնելու փուլում: Գիտակցում եմ նաեւ, որ իմ այս որոշումը բազմաթիվ հարցեր է առաջացնելու մեր համախոհների, իմ էջ-կայքի այցելուների, «Հայկական ժամանակ» օրաթերթի ընթերցողների եւ ընդհանրապես քաղաքացիների շրջանում: Եւ ահա, մտադիր եմ առաջիկա ժամանակաշրջանը տրամադրել այդ հարցերին պատասխանելու գործին, որից հետո արդեն տեղի կունենա «բուն արարողությունը»: Եւ ուրեմն, տվյալ խնդրի առնչությամբ ինձ ուղղված հարցերը կարող եք փոխանցել իմ էջ-կայքի «Հարցուպատասխան» բաժնի միջոցով: Հիշեցնեմ, որ իմ էջ-կայքը գործում է www.nikol.am, www.nikolpashinyan.com հասցեներով: Ուղարկեք ինձ ձեզ հետաքրքրող հարցերը, եւ ես կպատասխանեմ դրանց` հնարավորինս արագ: Ամփոփելով սույն հայտարարությունը, ուզում եմ դիմել Համաժողովրդական պայքարի, Հայ ազգային կոնգրեսի ակտիվիստներին եւ կողմնակիցներին. գլուխներդ բարձր, դուխներդ տեղը` պայքարելու ենք մինչեւ վերջ, ու հաղթելու ենք: Մեր պայքարը անկասելի է, մեր հաղթանակը անխուսափելի է, եւ ուրեմն` պայքար, պայքար մինչեւ վերջ:

ՆԻԿՈԼ ՓԱՇԻՆՅԱՆ

24.06.09

Just Today.... Amnesty for some of the innocent, while some are still in prison...

Sirunyan, Hakobyan, Malkhasyan and Arzumanyan are OUT!
Mikaelyan has been kept, he was given eight years, and therefore was not eligible....

It is still not clear what the exact criteria for the Amnesty were, and who else is eligible, but at this point confusion and lack of clarity are nothing new...

UPDATE - there are many videos posted on a1plus/YouTube about the amnesty today, and the gathering which occurred afterward at Saryan statue.
As per the a1plus article, Sasun Mikaelyan was expected to be released, but was not. There is a video of him singing during his verdict reading - the end of the video shows a crowd who has come out in support of Mikaelyan, and several women trying to block the van presumably taking Mikaelyan back to prison with their bodies.



I still dont know what will happen to Ashot Manukyan, Jhangiryan, and others...
But, as we all knew, PACE is satisfied...

PACE helped spill the milk, will they help clean it up? On an illegal regime and Amnesty

PACE is meeting, yet again, and will be discussing Armenia, with the main session on Armenia being on June 24 (Preliminary PACE schedule).
And not surprisingly, not so very different from January of this year (and issues with Turkey, and with NK, and the Committee on March 1), the current government of Armenia is putting in a couple of measures to appear to be making steps forward. Of course, there are denials that this has to do with PACE, and is for national, other, internal reasons; some have said it would have happened even without the events of March 1. Really....
I would love to take a close look at the Amnesty document, but it is hard to find - a1plus reported on June 17 that it was confidential. Numerous articles since then have reported different criteria for the amnesty, which was approved by the National Assembly on June 19.
This is obviously related to March 1. It is obviously related to PACE. So lets see what PACE actually recommended:

From Resolution 1609 (the original Resolution, in April, 2008):

12.2. the persons detained on seemingly artificial and politically motivated charges or who did not personally commit any violent acts or serious offences in connection with them should be released as a matter of urgency

By January 2009, Resolution 1643:

8. The Assembly welcomes the increasing number of pardons, 28 to date, that have been granted by the President of Armenia and notes that more are under consideration. The Assembly expresses its expectation that this process will continue unabated. It regrets, however, that the authorities have not so far availed themselves of the possibility to use all other legal means available to them, such as amnesty, pardons or the dropping of charges, to release those who were deprived of their liberty in relation to the events of 1 and 2 March 2008 and did not personally commit acts of violence or intentionally order, abet or assist the committing of such acts. It therefore urges the authorities to consider favourably further opportunities to this end.

And June 8, 2009 - Doc 11941 from PACE

9. The Assembly remains concerned about the continued detention of opposition supporters in relation to the post-electoral events of 1 and 2 March 2008 in Armenia which, notwithstanding positive legislative changes, undermines the possibility for a meaningful dialogue between the authorities and the opposition and the normalisation of political life. It therefore urges once more the Armenian authorities to consider all legal means available to them, including amnesty, pardons and dismissal of charges, to release these persons without delay.

Which gets to the heart of the matter I'm trying to get to. Amnesty vs Pardon. Interestingly enough, these are recognized to be different (amnesty, pardon), but there do not seem to be (that I can find) internationally recognized legal definitions. Not only that, but neither the Criminal Code of the RoA nor the Constitution define them, though the former does refer to them separately. And in fact, the terms seem to be being used almost interchangeably in the reporting. Not surprising, given that many element of law in Armenia are drawn from US and French law, among others, and some of the nuances do not seem to have been refined since then. For example, while the terms Pardon and Amnesty have different meaning in English, and different etymological roots (see the links above), in the Armenian Criminal Code the terms for the two are, respectively, Nerum, and Hamanerum - which do not seem to represent separate concepts. There is no further clarification (articles 82 and 83) that I can find in the Constitution or the Criminal Code of the RoA (if you have it, please post it or send it to me).

However, the general consensus seems to be that Pardoning has to do with specific individuals, and Amnesty applies to those affected by certain legal codes, certain criteria. The two almost always involve the Executive branch (president), but this may or may not be sufficient depending on the country, and the action being taken.

As mentioned above, the true criteria being set forth in this Amnesty are unclear. But a1plus reported that the aritcle is entitled" Convicts sentenced to a 5-year imprisonment will be pardoned." Amnesty will cover detainees or defendants charged under Article 225, but not 316. Individuals sentenced to five years or more, it seems, are not eligible. Some articles state that individuals, to be eligible, will have had to have served at least one third of their sentence.

--The Amnesty of June 19 actually applies to about TWO THOUSAND individuals.
--One estimate is that of the 51 political prisoners today, only THIRTY-FOUR will be released with this Amnesty.
--It will not apply to at least several of the Seven, and would likely not apply to Jhangiryan or Manukyan, or to Pashinyan or Sukiasyan.
--The amnesty will likely result in the release of those incarcerated for election fraud in favor of the ruling coalition (such as Yeghiazaryan and Ohanyan).

With all of the above mentioned in mind, wouldn't a Pardon, of specific individuals, fulfill the PACE suggestion more? But that would require that SS specifically name those he knows he has kept imprisoned without just cause. The regime is hiding behind an amnesty, specifying and setting criteria as they wish, ensuring that key individuals remain imprisoned. I, for one, have no doubt that calculations have been made regarding duration of sentencing, and criteria for amnesty.

If Sargsyan had wanted to, it seems he could have pardoned. But he didn't. Maybe in his eyes this is the perfect path, by having less than 2% of those included in the amnesty be political prisoners, he and his cronies can claim that they were not succumbing to PACE or other pressures. But by releasing between 65-90% (various estimates) of the political prisoners, he appears to be taking a step forward and doing a great favor to the opposition, and generally fulfilling PACE's suggestions, without releasing those who would be the most threatening to him, or truly releasing political prisoners, or adhering to internationally recognized principles of Human Rights.

And if PACE believes this recent amnesty,... well,.. we've already seen how gullible, or is it tolerant or willfully oblivious, they are. Unless they stand strong and take extreme action, they will only prove what we have seen so far: they helped spill the milk, but they don't want to clean it up. Maybe they just can't, maybe they just won't.

And none of this addresses the even more fundamental issues, that, in fact, none of these prisoners should need or require Amnesty or Pardoning, as they are Political Prisoners, victims of a faulty election, a faulty judicial system, a to-date useless international community, and corrupt government.

[picture is from the website: Against Political Repressions in Armenia]

Freedom for the Political Prisoners... ALL of them

Amnesty was being discussed today in the National Assembly. A group gathered, spontaneously, without previous organization (as per the video), to show support for the political prisoners. The video from a1plus is below, with some explanation.

Melissa Brown makes a very strong statement just a few minutes into the video:

We are here because the National Assembly is discussing amnesty. But amnesty will not solve this problem, Amnesty will not solve our problems. We demand Justice. This is not possible, this is not a present from SS.

These guys are not guilty, and their innocence was proven in court. They need to all come out. And this amnesty does not apply to everyone. How is Alik going to come out if the Sateyans[?] are still inside, if Aram Bareghamyan is going to stay inside, if Ashot Manukyan, the others, Mushegh Saghatelyan ... are still inside? This amnesty does not solve our problems.

And while the officer around 6 minutes is trying to explain that the gathering is unlawful as it has exceeded the 'limit' of 100 people, the voices only become louder.

The last minute or so shows a number of individuals who are sitting. I'm now sure if that is an intentional sit-in, but it seems like it. I wondered when that would happen. It is harder to shove or grab someone who is sitting. And while being rough with a peaceful standing protester looks bad enough on film, being rough with a sitting peaceful protester looks even worse. Trying to pick up or move someone who is sitting takes more than one person.

The clip also captures a group of youths talking with one of the officers, the latter of whom seems to be saying that having people sit on the ground is causing a disturbance. The officer tries to say that the safety of the individuals there, including the young man, is his responsibility. The response, if I'm hearing correctly, from the youth is that he is doing this exactly for that reason, for his safety. And when he starts getting a lecture from the officer that he will learn that when he is older and goes into the army, the youth responds that if he can understand this at his young age, then the officer in his older age should easily understand it.

ARF, politics in Armenia, and, ... Money?

Recently, there has been alot of innuendo, and straight up reporting, of discussions and tensions between the ARF, Heritage, and HAK.

There is a ton to say about this. I can see why this is happening, and more specifically, why it might, might, might make sense, for now, for HAK and the ARF to link up.

Some of this comes down to the age old, unanswerable question: does the end justify the means??

The fact is, I do not trust the ARF, on multiple levels [that is not to be confused with the ARF actually being unable to gain trust - that is a definite possibility, under the right circumstances]. That being said, again, there are some circumstances under which I can see the liason being advantageous to Armenia, in the longrun. And that is the ultimate goal.

Lragir recently published a piece with Q+ A with the ARF - what struck me the most was the following segment:

I think that there are points, which need clarifications. For example, the point 8 of the platform is “to eliminate economic monopolies and bring into the tax field the major business”.

Wow. I would have thought the first huge thing to disagree with would be #12, demanding the immediate resignation of SS, and other issues would be secondary (or maybe point 12 is not even a sticking point). Sad, but not surprising, that finances are the first consideration. Not surprising because there are whisperings of how certain elements associated with the ARF are involved in money-making enterprises with the present government. This theory, this hypothesis, would explain why the ARF became part of the coalition to begin with, why it was so hard to 'leave,' and the choice of sticking point now.

For those who do not read Armenian, the phrase on the flag is "Mah kam Azatutyun." Death or Freedom. There is nothing "Free"about what is happening now in Armenia. Either the ARF has changed from what we knew it to be, they think this is Freedom, or the ARF, as we knew it, is in fact, dead. And reading over the options, it seems these are not mutually exclusive. Logically speaking.

ANC's platform, June 12, 2009

The image is via Analyticon. I'm posting it here because it is raw, it is an undeniable truth. It is a reflection of humanity in a harsh reality, but no one can deny the razor sharp 'beauty' that this photo holds.
This photo holds a sincerity, a truth, that I would be hard pressed to find any Armenian to deny. Regardless of their political party.

I will not be so incendiary as to make a complete parallel. But I will ask the following question, what is it, below, that you would disagree with? Many will find something, but whatever it is, is it enough to divide?

Here it is, clear as day, from the July 12 speech, via a1plus:

Levon-Ter Petrosyan presented the 12-point platform of the Armenian National Congress during today's rally at the Matenadaran.


1. Abort the implementation of the conspiracy to create a commission of Armenian and Turkish historians to call the fact of Genocide into question.
2. Prohibit the authorities from making unduly compromises in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict settlement.
3. Restore the previous format of negotiations in which the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic was a full conflicting party based on the status constituted at the OSCE summit in Budapest.
4. Release all political prisoners and all businessmen who are terrorized by taxes.
5. Create an international independent commission to investigate the events of March 1 or reinstate the Fact-Finding Group and recruit international experts.
6. Reveal and penalize the main culprits of March 1 through the court system.
7. Implement radical reforms in the electoral system, eradicate the multi-party electoral commissions, hold the Police or the Ministry of Justice accountable for the elections and apply the practice of taking thumbprints during all future elections to exclude dual votes.
8. Eradicate monopolies in the economy and collect taxes from large businessmen.
9. Fulfill the verdict of the European Court, the demands of the PACE Resolutions and immediately reopen the "A1+" television station
10. Terminate the criminal practice of creating illegal hindrances for marches, rallies and demonstrations.
11. Hold special parliamentary and presidential elections.
12. Demand the immediate resignation of Serzh Sargsyan.

Then and now...

To my pleasant surprise, I recently came across this pamphlet in my papers. I'd actually forgotten I had it. For those who do not know, it is a booklet (one in a series) by Vahagn Ghukasyan regarding the events of October 27, 1999. I'm pretty sure he now runs the Septemberi21 blog. Here is an old Hetq article about him.
I haven't finished reading through the pamphlet again, full of evidence and articles about that fateful day, and ending with excerpts of the letter from Vano S. to Vazgen S. But from the start I was struck by the preface, written by Levon Zurabyan. The pamphlet is from 2002, yet what he is describing is something which is relevant, if not moreso, today. Which served as yet another reminder, another proof, of some of the differences between the political parties in Armenia. In Zurabyan's writing then, and actions now, there is a consistency of certain principles. To stick by a theme for a Mayoral or Presidential race, not so hard. To stick by an idea through seven years of adversity, is commitment to principles.

Map of Yerevan

I was recently going over many of the old testimonies from the events of last year in Yerevan, and realized I wished I had a map to better visualize the narratives I was hearing and reading. To that end, I've put up a map I have (from Saberatours), and have marked in Dark Red the names of places and streets that came up often, or stuck in my head. The map below can be enlarged as well.

Some Updates...

A couple of updates:

HIMA has a new blog in English: http://himaarmenia.wordpress.com

Interview with Zurabyan on Lragir

The most recent on what Sargsyan has to say on Amnesty, on Lragir

And for those who still aren't aware, neither the Heritage Party, nor the ARF, signed the CEC report.

Council of Europe - A tool of the banditocracy?

The outcomes are not too surprising - HHK won with percentages that are impossible. And HAK got nothing close to what we know they really got. Names falsified, people bused in, ballots stuffed, journalists and others physically intimidated, and on and on.

What is surprising is the way HHK royally gave it to the BHK. As was just said at the Matenadaran, was this the deal BHK cut with the HHK? (See my favorite video from this series so far, "Es eyik uzum?"). How will an ego like Dodi Gago's take this kind of "election" result? Could it be that the HHK really kept BHK numbers low out of extreme fear that BHK might team up with HAK, and outnumber them (which is one theory out there)? Or maybe just out of fear of the BHK itself?

What else is a touch surprising is the obvious, open way in which the ballot stuffing, intimidation, and everything else was done. You'd think they'd try to be a bit more hidden. Maybe this was subtle, for them.

Here's another one. What is going on in the heads of the European organizations who have noted the significant improvement in the election process? Let's go through this logically.

--Maybe they really just keep forgetting what they are being told; maybe they have difficulty reading, taking notes; maybe they're so understaffed and so overwhelmed that they just can't handle all of the reports by journalists, and organizations such as Transparency International and the Helsinki Association.
Doubtful. Thought maybe it is the case since, similar to the Presidential elections of 2008, observers were noted to be eating at a local cafe during voting - maybe they were exhausted from their trips, and just had to rest during the elections.

--Maybe there's some sort of deal. Maybe they're letting this go and they will deal this banditocracy what it deserves at the PACE meetings in late June. Right... promises, promises. Maybe they're letting this go, and in exchange the political prisoners are going to be released soon, the result of an agreed exchange with SS (or maybe it has to do with NK, or Turkey). That's like handing over the ransom money, believing the promise that the hostage will be released... tomorrow. (Actually, it would be a lot like that). And that's just stupid.

--Maybe those writing the reports of these observers are being threatened.
Possible. But unlikely.

--Maybe they have something to gain. Business-wise, financially.
Doesn't seem completely out of the question given the possibilities so far.

--Maybe they just don't care. Armenia is small. Armenia is mostly a pain for these European countries who are tired of being nagged about Genocide, about Human rights in the Caucasus. If anything, they like the potentially strategic geographic location of Armenia (in the path of potential pipelines, near Russia, Turkey, Iran), and when they want to, they consider it an island of Christianity which somehow implies a bond. When they want to. It used to be considered stable, as well - but now thats gone. Armenia can be used to bug, poke and prod Turkey, to make its life difficult. But I would like to believe that at least some of the people who go into these professions actually care. Maybe they care, but they've fallen into a self-perpetuating cycle of impotence.

--Maybe they don't want LTP back. He is much harder to manipulate and pressure than RK or SS ever was. Back in the 1990's, this posed a problem for some of the Western Countries. Maybe they're scared of it now.
I don't know if this is a factor now. If it is playing a role, though, how ironic and sad that these organizations have actually become an impediment to democracy, a tool of the banditocracy, in order to better achieve their own goals.

Any other ideas?

[Check out election "irregularities" caught on video via echannel news]