Friday, October 31, 2008

WHAT???


“The Armenian Revolutionary Federation-Dashnaktsutyun is convinced that if the war resumes Armenia will not only preserve the liberated territories but also establish land and water borders with its northern neighbour Russia,” ARFD member and Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly Hrair Karapetyan told a press conference today.
[from a1plus]
ՀՅԴ-ն վստահ է, որ պատերազմի վերսկսման դեպքում հայերը ոչ միայն չեն կորցնի ազատագրված տարածքները, այլեւ սահման ձեռք կբերեն իրենց հյուսիսային հարեւանի հետ, ընդ որում՝ ոչ միայն ցամաքային, այլեւ ծովային: Այս մասին այսօր ԱԺ-ում հրավիրած ասուլիսի ժամանակ հայտարարեց ՀՅԴ ԳՄ անդամ, ԱԺ փոխնախագահ Հրայր Կարապետյանը:
[a1plus]

What...? where...? He can't be serious... Black Sea? Caspian Sea?

Thursday, October 30, 2008

"I demand to be charged..."


(a1plusnews via YouTube)

I'm pretty sure that this action, from October 30, is related to the new action by the Armenian National Congress. As a1+ and echannel news reported, members of the ANC, as well as other citizens (it seems by the video above), are signing a letter demanding that the government be consistent in their accusations and charges of those they suspect to have been involved in the "provocative and illegal actions" of March 1.

If no crime has been committed, then amnesty cannot be granted.
If the "government" is not legitimate, it cannot negotiate on behalf of the People.
If the stated charges are the sole and true reasons for imprisonment, then many many more should be charged and imprisoned.
...

Saturday, October 25, 2008

Hatspanyan and Manoyan

In a recent radio interview, Kiro Manoyan explained why the ARF is (still) part of the coalition government - that is, to change it from the inside (see bottom of this post for a brief translation).

I suppose I shouldn't be surprised at this reasoning. I've heard it from ARF members who, when all logical explanations and defenses have crumbled, say they are part of this organizations because they want to change it, to better it, from the inside out. Of course, those who maintain their independent thinking, ie, those who continue to want to change it, are kicked out, either before or after they resign from the ARF. Which may in part be why those still in the ARF don't realize, or don't want to realize, that this strategy doesn't work. Imagine the consequences of accepting how much needs to changed inside the belly of the beast, for those those individuals, for the party, and for Armenians in general.

RFE/RL has posted an interview with one of its reporters, Kiro Manoyan and Sarkis Hatspanyan. Watch Cognitive Dissonance and Insecure Identity try to prove itself against Logic and Consistency. Its about 15 minutes long, watch the last half especially, it speaks for itself.
Video (scroll down on the linked page to see).

Here is the brief translation of an interview on RFE/RL from Oct 20:

Interview with Kiro Manoyan (KM) with RFL reporter Karine Kalantaryan (KK).

the topic is NK and what concessions are being made on the part of Armenia. Arthur Baghdasaryan (Orinats Yergir, member of the coalition) said that neither the authorities in Armenia nor the president have any intention of making concessions.

The reporter, Karine Kalantaryan says that in Kiro Manoyan’s (member of ARF bureau and head of the Hye Tad office in Yerevan) interpretation the position of Azerbaijan on the NK issue depends on Ilham Aliev:

KM: If Aliev wants, he can impose his position, or convince those around him.

KK: Can you say exactly on whom the position of the Armenian side depends? On just Serjh Sargsyan or political forces? And what responsibility does the ARF bear in this case?

KM: Not everything depends on Armenia and in the case of Armenia not everything should depend on the position of the president because this is not a matter— like many other matters—where the president can make a decision on his own. It is imperative that all political forces clarify their positions. We have so far made our position clear, that we fundamentally oppose the current alternative under consideration fundamentally because there is the issue of returning the lands and because the return of those lands doesn’t guarantee any essential step in return. Whether or not it guarantees any essential steps in return, we are against the return of the lands.

[Reporter’s words] To the question of which part the ARF bears responsibility for, Kiro Manoyan did not answer. But he said that in the settlement of the NK issue, and not only in that, there are differences of opinion:

KM: Yes, there are differences of opinion on this issue, there always have been…..

[Reporter’s words]: There have been, and there are still, differences of opinion, not only on this issue, Kiro Manoyan stated. Then what keeps the ARF in the coalition?

KM: The opportunity we have to convince our colleagues to change their viewpoints. If we see that we no longer have that opportunity by being in the coalition, not just with respect to this issue, but there are many issues where we have a different position.....if we see that we can no longer influence, it would be clear that we have nothing more to do, not just on these issues, but any others as well where we see that is has gone over the limit, and our presence has no meaning anymore, it’s clear that we won’t stay [in the coalition]. So far we think we have an influence.

[Reporter’s words]: Life has shown that the coalition party has made public announcements about ‘going over the limit’ only during elections, during the last four years during the parliamentary and presidential elections by criticizing the authorities.

[Reporter’s words]: to the question of what influence the ARF has had on the position of government specifically with respect to NK and the return of territories in the last 4 years, and the issue of returning or not returning the lands, Kiro Manoyan again avoided the question, stressing that in the last four years and now,

KM: they are different presidents, different people, they’re different politically. Yes, we have had an influence, we have had an influence in many issues, not only concerning NK..

Somebody [not the reporter] in the background asked: specifically about NK issue?

KM: It makes no sense to say specifically, there is no need to open our internal kitchen here. But we have seen that we have hadinfluence and have kept our membership in the coalition.

In closing, the reporter quotes Kiro Manoyan as saying,

“Today, everything depends on the negotiations on NK and the position of Armenia to surrender or not surrender the territories”.

Friday, October 24, 2008

On the Occasion of October 27...



ՀԱՅՏԱՐԱՐՈՒԹՅՈՒՆ

1999թ. հոկտեմբերի 27-ին, գնդակահարվեցին Հայաստանի Հանրապետության Ազգային ժողովը եւ Կառավարությունը: Սպանվեցին Ազգային ժողովի նախագահ Կարեն Դեմիրճյանը, վարչապետ Վազգեն Սարգսյանը, պատգամավորներ, կառավարության անդամներ: Հայկական պետականության վրա ձեռք էին բարձրացրել հինգ ստահակներ, սակայն դա այդ պահի իշխանության, մասնավորապես գործող նախագահ Ռ. Քոչարյանի եւ Ազգային անվտանգության ղեկավար Սերժ Սարգսյանի մեծագույն խայտառակությունն էր եւ ամոթը, ինչից հետո, քաղաքական ու մարդկային նվազագույն արժանապատվություն ունենալու պարագայում, նրանք երկուսն էլ պետք է հրաժարական տային: Նրանք ոչ միայն այդ չարեցին, այլեւ, մասնավորապես Ռ. Քոչարյանը, իրենց հետագա վարքագծով խորացրեցին առաջին իսկ պահից լայնորեն տարածված կասկածը՝ այդ ոճրագործությանը նրանց մեղսակից լինելու մասին: Հենց հոկտեմբերի 27-ի այս ոճրագործությունից հետո, մի քանի ամսում դուրս գալով իրենց համար ստեղծված ծանր իրավիճակից, այս երկյակը հիմնադրեց եւ ժամանակի ընթացքում կատարելության հասցրեց ավազակապետական այն հանցավոր համակարգը, որն այսօր շարունակում է կործանել հայկական պետությունն ու նրա ժողովրդին: Հոկտեմբերի 27-ը շարունակելու է մնալ Հայոց պետականության ճակատին խարան, իր կործանարար հետեւանքներով շարունակելու է գործել այնքան ժամանակ, քանի դեռ չի քողազերծվել ժամանակին կատարված դատական ֆարսը, քանի դեռ չեն բացահայտվել ու պատժվել դրա կազմակերպիչները եւ մյուս մեղսակիցները:

October 27, 1999 Parliament Video on YouTube

Thursday, October 23, 2008

An article on Aravot...

This is an excerpt from an article that was published in Aravot's October 19 issue, front page, which tells about an anonymous witness. They keep his name out for obvious reasons, the paper says. The anonymous source says that while people had built barricades to protect themselves, and real battles were being waged at the intersection of Paronyan and Mashtots streets against citizens, the army recruits were ordered to open fire on civilians.

[This part is a verbatim translation from the paper]
"The army recruits, who had refused to execute the order and had been fired at by their own commander, realized that the situation was becoming unpredictable and gradually left their positions; they escaped toward Hotel Metropol using the bridge adjacent to St. Sargis Church and entered the Zangu gorge by the side of Haghtanak Bridge hoping to find a safe place. Some of them were already wounded, but a few were able to reach the Kilikia district. Here the residents, seeing them and understanding what was happening in the center of the city, took some of the wounded into their houses and gave them safe haven.

The solders called their families, who came and took their sons home or to the hospital. Our source, who knows some of the individuals who protected the soldiers, assured us that are still many things related to March 1 which immediate eyewitnesses cannot yet divulge, for understandable reasons. Indeed there are many living eyewitnesses to the tragedy of “March 1” who witnessed the military operations undertaken on Mahstots Boulevard and Paronian and Leo streets, the actual firing on people; some day they will certainly talk and tell what they saw."

Aravot then continues to comment on the events of March 1.

Friday, October 17, 2008

Pashinyan's interview...in English

The MP3 of Pashinyan's interview can be found on the Payqar site, and the full armenian text of the interview is at RFE/RL on Oct 16.
Here is the translation of his interview, for those interested:

Aghasi Yenokyan: Mr. Pashinyan, you have been underground yet it is clear from your articles that you are familiar with political developments in Armenia. You had announced a revolution. What happened to that revolution? Was it postponed? Was it silenced? Or, is it continuing now?

Nikol Pashinyan: In my opinion, nothing awful has happened to the revolution. On the contrary, the past nine months have shown that all non-revolutionary avenues of restoring legitimacy, constitutional order and rule by the people in Armenia have been exhausted.

Let’s take the recent elections in local self-government. The conclusion that can be drawn from those is the same: the people, to who belongs the exclusive constitutional right to constitute its rule, is denied the freedom and possibility to exercise that right.

Revolution is the only option left to restore that freedom and establish legitimacy in Armenia. It is in this context that I view the tactics of the opposition in the last 8 months. The people’s movement has refrained from taking rough steps, in a way giving the authorities a chance to demonstrate that it is possible to establish legitimacy, to reinstate civil rights, freedom of speech and free economic competition without a revolution, that is, without removing the current authorities. But the authorities have shown through their actions that the revolution is the only option left to establish legitimacy.

Beyond that, I want to stress that the revolution is the only option to restore the unification of the public because the citizens of Armenia can be unified only when the same body of laws apply to everyone, when those laws work to the same extent for everyone.

It goes without saying that our revolution should be velvety, bloodless, and peaceful; but that depends not as much on the opposition as it does on the authorities.

Aghasi Yenokyan: It is known that you are accused of the main crimes of March 1—of murders and other crimes. How do you answer to those accusations? Are you preparing to appear in court?

Nikol Pashinyan: I consider that those who were killed on March 1 are my brothers; their loss is a personal grief and tragedy for me and I feel obligated to their memory.

Yes, the authorities accuse us of murders coupled with mass unrest, meaning that they accuse us of organizing the murders of March 1. This is an unprecedented legal absurdity because that accusation assumes that not only the perpetrators of the murders have been revealed, but that it has been proven that they acted on the orders of the opposition. Yet not only have the authors of the murders not been revealed to date, but they are being carefully concealed by the prosecutors.

That which concerns my being in freedom, underground or in prison, frankly speaking those are not social situations for me, but different forms of struggle. I’ve been underground during this time because I think that at some point my appearance on the stage of a rally might be necessary for the popular movement—very necessary. If I see that the possibility of such a necessity is exhausted, I will choose prison without hesitation as a normal phase of the struggle.

Numerous famous activists have spent long years in prison in the name of the victory of the people. But neither prison nor the underground, nor freedom, can be en end in itself for the political activist.

By being underground for this long I also wanted to show that the national security services and police of the Republic of Armenia are sterile structures and are incapable of intellectual contest or struggle.

And, if one day people hear that they have arrested me, let them know that I have wished to be arrested, that I have opted to continue my struggle in prison.

Aghasi Yenokyan: There is the opinion that by letting the political prisoners free, it is possible to remove the current tension in the public. Do you agree? If yes, then why do you think the authorities have not opted for the easing of tensions?

Nikol Pashinyan: Candidly speaking, I am surprised by all those views that consider the freeing of political prisoners something that the authorities should do. We should understand that the authorities will free the political prisoners if they have no other options left, meaning that they have no other choice left. Denying choice to the authorities is the task of the Armenian National Congress, the task of the people’s movement.

If the authorities have the capability of keeping our comrades in prison, then it is we who have given them that capability. I call on all the participants of our movement and our sympathizers to look at the problem of our political prisoners from this perspective.

That which concerns the international community and the European Council, it is not principles that they protect; they react to power relations. If the movement is strong and systematic, the international community will help; it will defend the standards of international human rights. If the movement shows fear and is accommodating, the international community will forget its pronouncements on human rights and international conventions. This is a simple truth, and I think we should all consider this our point of departure.

The Rally is on...


The rally has started and the pictures sure seem packed full of people.
LTP's speech is already available in Armenian and English.

A timely interview...

Spread the Word!



Pashinyan has given an exclusive interview to RFE/RL.
RFE/RL has an article with a short summary of the interview, here.
Listen to it by going to HIMA's posting of the interview.

Thursday, October 9, 2008

Straight to the point...

This is direct from lragir

THE STATEMENT OF THE REPORTER TSOVINAR NAZARYAN

I heard yesterday that the ad hoc committee to study the events of March 1 has testimonies about burnt cars but no testimonies of witnesses of blood.I would like to tell Samvel Nikoyan that on that day when the police had already retreated I saw blood on the tunnel near the Fish Shop. At that moment it was already known that two people were killed by gunshot at the head.The puddle of blood I saw was not as big as the one in the footage of A1+ and there no piece of jaw in it. But it should be taken into account that I appeared there when the water cannons had already finished washing away the blood. Besides, I did not study the entire territory.Someone said I cannot prove that it was blood, and human blood, “I did not carry out an examination”. But I would like to ask Samvel Nikoyan: how about the blood of 8 killed on the spot and dozens of injured people? After all, if you admit there were victims and injured people, you cannot deny that there was blood. The water cannons could not wash away the whole because the demonstrators made them retreat as well.What does it mean “we have no testimonies”? I do not hesitate to help you fill in that gap. After my statement you already have such a testimony, and I believe that the number of such testimonies will increase. One more clue. Why don’t you suggest that the American experts study the footage where there is a big hole from gunshot in the cheek of the young man who was saved by miracle? Maybe it will answer the question about the piece of jaw.

TSOVINAR NAZARYAN
reporter

«ԵՍ ԱԿԱՆԱՏԵՍ ԵՄ ԱՐՅԱՆ ԼՃԱԿԻ»

ԼՐԱԳՐՈՂ ԾՈՎԻՆԱՐ ՆԱԶԱՐՅԱՆԻ ՀԱՅՏԱՐԱՐՈՒԹՅՈՒՆԸ
Երեկ լսեցի, որ մարտի 1-ի դեպքերն ուսումնասիրող ժամանակավոր հանձնաժողովը վկայություններ ունի մեքենաներ այրելու մասին, բայց արյուն տեսնողների վկայություններ չունի: Սամվել Նիկոյանին ուզում եմ հայտնել, որ այդ օրը, երբ ոստիկանական ուժերն արդեն նահանջել էին, կեսգիշերի կողմերը ես տեսել եմ արյուն Ձկան խանութին հարող թունելի վրա: Այդ պահին արդեն հայտնի էր, որ երկու հոգի վախճանվել են գլխին ստացած հրազենային կրակոցից: Իմ տեսած արյան լճակն այն մեծը չէր, որ պատկերված է Ա1+-ի տեսանյութում, եւ դրանում ծնոտի կտոր չկար: Բայց պետք է հաշվի առնել, որ ես դեպքի վայրում հայտնվել եմ, երբ արդեն ջրցան մեքենաներն արել էին իրենց գործը` լվացել էին արյունը: Հետո, ես չեմ զննել ամբողջ տարածքը: Ինչ-որ մեկն ինձ հուշեց, որ ես չեմ կարող ապացուցել, որ դա արյուն էր, այն էլ` մարդու արյուն` «փորձաքննություն չեմ արել»: Բայց ուզում եմ հարցնել Սամվել Նիկոյանին` տեղում սպանված 8 հոգու եւ տասնյակ վիրավորների արյունն ինչ եղավ: Ի վերջո, եթե ընդունում եք, որ եղել են զոհեր ու վիրավորներ, չեք կարող չընդունել, որ արյուն էլ է եղել: Ջրցան մեքենաները չէին կարող ամբողջը լվանալ, որովհետեւ դրանք էլ են ստիպված եղել նահանջել ցուցարարների առաջ: Ինչ է նշանակում` «վկայություններ չունենք»: Չեմ հապաղում օգնել ձեզ` լրացնելու այդ բացը: Իմ այս հայտարարությունից հետո, արդեն ունեք համապատասխան վկայություն, եւ վստահ եմ, որ այդ վկայությունների թիվը կավելանա: Մի հուշում էլ, ամերիկացի փորձագետներին առաջարկեք ուսումնասիրել նաեւ այն տեսանյութը, որում հրաշքով փրկված երիտասարդի այտի վրա հրազենով խոշոր անցք է բացված: Հնարավոր է, որ դա պատասխանի ծնոտի կտորի մասին հարցերին:

ԾՈՎԻՆԱՐ ՆԱԶԱՐՅԱՆ
լրագրող

Thursday, October 2, 2008

Tippy Toeing Towards Independent Thought?

Former Foreign Minister Oskanian has made some interesting comments in a Press Conference. Very gentle, very cautious comments that maybe, maybe, he's not fully in line with everything this present government is doing, of course it could be just a show.
There wasn't too much information available about the conditions of his resignation, or if they were in any way peculiar or eyebrow raising, which they very well may not have been. In his farewell speech on April 11, 2008, made the following statement:

The weeks after March 1 were the most difficult of my entire career. On the one hand, I am part of an admininstration which, at the end of the day, is responsible for what happens in this country. On the other hand, from the beginning of their campaign, I disagreed, publicly and privately, with the tactics, methods and goals of the opposition.


Not surprising, given that he played a key role in the firing of numerous Armenian Diplomats who had publicly stated that they believed the February elections to be fraudulent.

Now, in this press conference, he is expressing his opinion that amnesty be given to the political prisoners. I didn't realize he thought there were political prisoners in Armenia.

[UPDATE - as was pointed out in the comment, he doesn't call them political prisoners, just prisoners. Of course not. Yet another way of working around the issue without actually addressing any of the fundamental problems. Maybe deep, deep down he really thinks they are guilty of crimes against the government, against the republic of Armenia, and its just for the safety (?) or stability (?) or image (?) of Armenia that he thinks they should get amnesty (this term is a whole separate issue). Not so unlike the ARF's difficult positionin February and since, no?]

He also talked about the recent attitude change towards relations with Turkey. He said alot, and very little at the same time. Which may mean he's a good diplomat, but doesn't mean he necessarily said anything... or maybe he said everything there was to say.

His new foundation, Civilitas, was inaugurated yesterday. Who funds this Foundation?