Friday, January 30, 2009

Diasporan Armenian Politics... the means, or an end?

I have never been a fan of the political parties in the Armenian Diaspora, nor of the various other Armenian political entities which have the audacity to presume that they represent Diasporan Armenians; these groups, in some cases, impose their own criteria and definitions of what it is to be Armenian, who is a good Armenian, and the strict rules which must be followed in order to be accepted as an Armenian - a Diasporan Armenian - rules, roles, and identities which are in so many ways disconnected from just an identity, and from Armenia.
But the main players for the majority of my life have been the Dashnaks, the Ramgavars, the ANC, AAA etc... These groups often act in a way which would make an outsider think that the group itself is the end, and being Armenian, or the country of Armenia itself, just a means, or a tool.
I have been impressed by the third main party, however, which at least from my perspective, has resurfaced more recently, the Hnchaks. When I scan the main papers of all of these groups, I've noticed it is the Hnchakian publications that have events in Armenia on the front page, as issues of main concern. That's as opposed to many of the other groups, where Armenia may or may not show up in an issue, other than as related to a fundraiser, or other non-headlining, relatively unimportant topic. Issues in Armenia do come up in these other publications, but they are often downplayed, with what I am starting to think is an intentional quietude and minimality of information, meant to keep readers wondering more about the next banquet or social gathering, than about unemployment and economics, healthcare and education in Armenia, not to mention, regardless of what side one takes, the issue of Democracy in Armenia.
For example, on January 26th, the day PACE met, Nouvelles D'Armenie published an article cosigned by several groups, including the Hntchakians, not only eloquently summarizing the current state of human rights and democracy in Armenia, but urging PACE to actually hold Armenia responsible for their commitment to Human Rights and Democracy in Armenia, as they obliged to with their membership in the Council of Europe.
On the other hand, the Armenian Assembly of America has decided to hold their yearly Washington D.C. Advocacy Conference on March 1-3 this year. Regardless of whether you think there are or are not political prisoners, you like SS or LTP or Muk or whomever, it seems more than a tad disrespectful to cover up that day of incredible violence and sadness with meetings, and a banquet. Not to say that advocacy has not played an important role -- I do appreciate some of their work. So, along with SAAG, I emailed them, and made a suggestion. I have yet to hear a response. I sent it on January 17th. Below is the email, which I sent to the following email addresses (the last one bounced back):

bardouny@aaainc.org (Bryan Ardouny, executive director);
mzachariades@aaainc.org (Michael Zachariades, Director of Communications- his name
is on the press release);
Ykeshishian@aaainc.org (Yeghig Keshishian, Director Western Office);
info@aaainc.org ;
centoff@arminco.com
---------

Dear Armenian Assembly of America,

For years I have appreciated the work you have done for the Armenians of the United States, and around the world. I learned recently that the annual Advocacy Conference will be taking place on March 1-3 this year; this is clearly a change from the past, when the Conference was held sometime in late March to May. I am sure there must be unavoidable scheduling conflicts which have forced the AAA to hold the Conference on such a sad day for the people of Armenia, a day marking the loss of 10 Armenian lives. I wonder if you might consider, on the first anniversary of the death of those 10 Armenians, having a table available where your participants may donate money to help support the families of those 10, if not require a small donation in addition to the $300 fee for the Conference and Banquet.

Sincerely,

Tzitzernak and SAAG (Save Armenia Action Group)



P.S. As a number of others have wondered about this same issue, I may make your response public.

-------------------

Tuesday, January 27, 2009

More hypocrisy straight from PACE


Browsing through the web page of PACE today, I saw that Secretary General Terry Davis made this comment just hours ago, when addressing the issue of downsizing of PACE:

''There is a cost attached to that – a cost which can be measured not only in less democracy, less human rights and less rule of law, but also in financial terms. In money which will have to be spent on putting out fires which can be prevented if we have not only the will but also the means to act in time.''

Wow. He's right, at least in one way. If PACE had had "the will" back in March- when they could have been "in time" - they could have made a difference. They definitely had "the means."
Things aren't black and white. But the fact is that they inserted themselves into a situation where they claim objectivity and imply an ethical upper hand. Yet their own involvement has been completely subjective, and unethical. It led to the situation getting worse, not better. And at every turn, every opportunity, when they had "the means," they did not have "the will."
They fed the fire until it became a pyre.

And now these articles 225 and 300 are supposed to be a bucket of water on the pyre.
Wondering what they are?
The entire criminal code of Armenia is available online, here.
And the National Assembly Website explains, generally, what the first step of the plan is, here.

Monday, January 26, 2009

Nice try... On 16, PACE, Sargsyan, and hoodwinking

At first I was trying to figure out what type of deal, or deals, SS probably cut by releasing 16, but not the 7, and leaving still 60 or so in prison. Whas it a deal regarding Gharabagh, which is what I think is the West's leverage, or was it something else?
But then I saw the statement by the Congress about who those 16 released really are. Talk about really trying to pull one over. If the PACE folks buy the release of these 16 as a release of political prisoners and significant movement towards the principles set forth in their own documents, well then they've compromised not only their principles, but they've been duped, chumped, sucker-punched, bamboozled, hoodwinked, and hornswoggled.
And maybe they want it that way, which is just a whole new level of immorality.

Here's the statement (on a1plus and lragir):

“The regime uses its entire arsenal of fraud and tricks ranging from preposterous “circular” letters to shameless fraud to avoid the demand to release immediately the political prisoners and not to lose the right to vote to the PACE. For this purpose, over the past month it has been trying its hardest to extort letters of pardon from the political prisoners to present a figure of “progress” to the PACE. After the failure of this immoral and abject plan the usurper Serge Sargsyan again resorted to fraud. On January 23 he signed a decree on granting pardon to 16. The decree is a selection of fraud:

The charges of the people on this list have nothing to do with “weapon and ammunition”, although it is written so in the decree of Serge Sargsyan;

Of those 16 only 2 are included in the current list of 60 political prisoners;

Of the other “pardoned” 14 people at least 6 had been sentenced conditionally and were at large;

Of the 14 persons 13 were indicted of theft;

2 of 14 had confessed at the court that they were Serge Sargsyan’s proxies, one was a member of the Bargavach Hayastan Party, 10 of 11, whom we do not know, were members of a gang sent by the regime for looting and provocation, and had nothing to do with the demonstrations.


We have learned that by the moment of suspension of the regime’s right to vote in the PACE another list of people will be granted “pardon”. The number of the so-called “pardoned” will be published during the PACE session at the last moment to influence the voters. Serge Sargsyan has invented and fulfilled this trick in such a short period of time for one purpose – for the PACE delegates and officials to have no time and possibility to check the reality about the numbers tossed to them.”


(my bold)

HIMA has posted the statement in Armenian: ՀԱՅՏԱՐԱՐՈՒԹՅՈՒՆ

Friday, January 23, 2009

Letter to Mr. Sargsyan...

[English is Below]

Մեծարգո Պր. Սարգսյան,

Այնպիսի մի ժամանակաշրջանում, երբ ճգնաժամերը երկրի թե’ ներսից և թե’ դրսից սպառնում են Հայաստանին, նայում եմ Ձեզ ու Ձեր ընտրած կաբինետին, որ կոչված եք օգնելու մեզ՝ հայերիս Հայաստանի թե’ ներսում և թե’ դրսում, և փորձում եմ հասկանալ Ձեր արարքները:

Լսել ենք, որ Ձեր գիտությամբ 2008 թ. Մարտ ամսին Ղարաբաղն Ադրբեջանին վերադարձնելու մասին փաստաթուղթ է ստորագրվել: Դա ճիշ՞տ է: Գոնե Լաչինի ողջ շրջանի հարցը լուծե՞լ եք: Ողջ հոգով հարգում եմ ԼՂ հարցը վերջապես լուծելու ջանքերը: Սակայն ասացեք ինձ, ասացեք Հայաստանին, որ հարցը լուծել եք մեր զոհերին արժանին մատուցող պատվախնդրությամբ, մեր ինքնության հանդեպ լիարժեք ակնածանքով և մեր երկրի համար անվտանգության երաշխիքներով:

Ձեր կառավարությունը խոսում է իրադրության բարելավման մասին, սակայն, անկեղծորեն ասած՝ բան չեմ հասկանում: Բազմաթիվ մտահոգություններ կան Հայաստանում կոռուպցիայի և հարկահավաքման վերաբերյալ: Փոքր, օրինական բիզնեսները տապալված են ու Հայաստանից դուրս մղված: Իսկ իշխանության կառույցների հետ սերտաճած բիզնեսներին արտոնված է ծաղկել ու բարգավաճել:

Այնպիսի տպավորություն է, որ կարծում եք, թե լուծումը ստացականների վրա վիճակախաղի համարներ դնելն ու շուկաներում մանր առևտրով զբաղվողներին հարկային դաշտ բերելն է: Մարդիկ, որոնք ապրանքն իրենց սեփական ձեռքերով են աճեցնում, պատրաստում, խնամում, կարծես Ձեզ համար այլևս որևէ կարևորություն չեն ներկայացնում, եթե, անշուշտ, երբևէ որևէ կարևորություն ներկայացրել են: Իրականում, Հայաստանի ժողովրդի հանդեպ Ձեր անտարբերությունը և ընդհուպ արհամարհանքը ակնհայտ էր Ձեր նախընտրական կամպանիայից ի վեր, իսկ մարտի 1-ի դեպքերից հետո և դրան հաջորդած Ձեր վարած քաղաքականությամբ այդ վերաբերմունքը պարզապես ավելի ակնբախ դարձավ:

Բավական բան է ասվել Ձեր ու Ձեր կառավարության կասկածելի բիզնեսային գործունեության մասին: Նշանակալի կասկածներ կան Ձեր կամ շատ հարցերում Ձեր կողմից սատարված կառավարության հասցեին՝ Հայաստանի երեխաների կանխարգելիչ պատվաստումների, բանանի ներկրման ու արտահանման, մոլիբդենի հանքահանման ու վաճառքի և ոսկու հանքահանման ու վաճառքի ոլորտներում:

Կարո՞ղ եք այս հարցերի վերաբերյալ պարզաբանումներ տալ, Պր. Սարգսյան: Թե՞ մենք պետք է մտածենք, որ Դուք հակված եք Ձեր քաղաքական սկզբունքները վաճառելու քաղաքական սատարման ու նյութական շահի դիմաց, իսկ պարկեշտության ու մարդասիրության իդեալները՝ ապահովության ու Ձեր գահակալությունը երկարացնելու դիմաց:

Մտածում եմ, թե ինչպիսին կլիներ Ձեր ընտրությունը, եթե այդքան ճնշում չլիներ Ձեզ վրա, և ապավինեիք միմիայն Ձեր խղճին...

Եթե օժանդակություն եք ուզում, Պր. Սարգսյան, եթե իսկապե’ս ուզում եք օժանդակությունն այն ժողովրդի, որին ենթադրաբար ներկայացնում եք, մեզ որևէ պաճառ տվեք Ձեզ վստահելու, Պր. Սարգսյան:

Անկեղծորեն՝

Ծիծեռնակ


Honorable Mr. Sargsyan,

At a time when crises from outside and inside Armenia threaten our country, I look upon you, and your chosen cabinet, to help us, Armenians inside and outside Armenia, to understand the choices you have made.

There is word that a document was signed, with your knowledge, after March, 2008, returning Gharabagh to Azerbaijan. Is this true? Did you at least secure the entire Lachin region? With all my heart, I respect the attempt to finally resolve the NK war. But tell me, tell Armenia, that you have resolved the issue with the dignity our fallen deserve, with full respect for our identity, and with guarantees of security for our country.

Your government speaks of improving the situation, but I don't, to be honest, understand. There are concerns about corruption, about taxation, in Armenia. Small, legitimate businesses are run to the ground, and out of the country. But, businesses connected to power structures are allowed to prosper, and, encouraged to flourish.

You seem to think that the solution is to put lottery numbers on receipts, and to tax those in bazaars. Those who sell what they grow, make, and nurture with their own two hands seem to no longer bear any importance for you, if they ever did. In fact, your indifference, and even disdain, for the people of Armenia has been apparent since the time of your campaign, and only became more obvious with the events of March 1st, and your policies every since.

So much has been written about your, and your, government's dubious business practices. Significant doubts have been cast upon you or the government which you have supported in many endeavors, including the immunization practices of the children of Armenia, the import and export of bananas, the mining and trading of molybdenum, and the mining and trading of gold.

Can you throw light on any of this, Mr. Sargsyan? Or are we to believe that you have a propensity to trade your political principles for political support and financial gains, your ethical and humanistic ideals for safety and a prolonged throne?

I wonder what you would choose, how you would decide, if you did not have so many pressures upon you – if you could only rely upon your Conscience?...

If you want support, Mr. Sargsyan, if you actually want the support of the people whom you purport to represent, give us a reason to start trusting you, Mr. Sargsyan.

Sincerely,

Tzitzernak

Thursday, January 22, 2009

Sink that boat...

In the January 21 issue of Haykakan Zhamanak the front page article carries a picture of three prominent oligarchs in Armenia: Nemetz Rubo, Alyur Lyovik and Lfik Samo. According to HZH, according to information coming from the presidential office, these and other oligarchs have been pretty active again recently. They have been frequently visiting Serge Sargsyan, convincing him not to release the political prisoners. They have reassured Serge Sargsyan that the pressures from the Europeans are not important, that they [the oligarchs] are who are important for Serge, and that they are standing firmly behind him. The article continues to say that the oligarchs are worried that Serge Sargsyan, under pressure, might suddenly change his mind. But Serge Sargsyan has long been in the same boat as the oligarchs, which will sink even faster if the political prisoners are set free. So, Serge doesn’t need their advice.

Interesting that these oligarchs are worried. That they think Serge might give in, or change his mind. I would love to know what exchanges they've had. To see how these three oligarchs "convince" SS. Don't get me wrong - I’m not surprised that they’re pressuring him, they’ve been doing it all along. It does make me wonder just how deep that schism is nowadays.

Friday, January 16, 2009

Trial postponed again, and again...


The Trial of the Seven was postponed on the 13th to the 16th, and it was postponed again today. From what I understand, the judge walked in, the seven stayed seated, he postponed the trial until the 30th, and, well, that was that, at least inside the courtroom.
Outside, it was a different story. The number of red berets has risen, from what I hear. And there was more than just a scuffle. There was a lot of pushing and shoving, to say the least. Both a1plus and rfe/rl have put up some video, and articles.
And that's just one day after Colombier and Prescott left. A day earlier than originally planned, I hear.

RFE/RL: Police Break up Opposition Protest
A1plus: Is Judge Waiting for PACE Decision


RFE/RL video

Tuesday, January 13, 2009

Letter to Colombier and Prescott, from the Political Prisoners

The political prisoners have written a very powerful letter to Colombier and Prescott, who are due for a visit from, I think, the 14th to the 16th, of this month, just before PACE meets again to decide whether there will actually be sanctions. Those in power have gotten somewhat aggressive, and maybe even borderline desperate, in their language, in the face of what may be coming to them down the line.
And the political prisoners continue to stand their ground...

Read the letter in English

Read the letter in Armenian

Aram and Anna, Part 5

Anna: We went to Gum…

Aram: Crossing the perimeter, they were letting, in the same barricades, they were letting people out, but no other cars were allowed in… they let us out of the secondary perimeter, we did shopping at the market, some at that market had heard about it, some hadn't, word of mouth was just getting out.

Anna: But you could see everyone was talking.

Aram: It was new news… some people had no reaction, some people had reactions, calling them [the government] bastards. We did our shopping... it was around 10:30, and we came back to Tumanyan, to our friend's house. We turned around on Grigor Lusavorich, as soon as we turned around, right in front of the zoo entrance, by 10:30, we saw the barricaded street, with the bus at a 90 degree angle, or a trolley- they physically, hundreds of people, they were moving, it, it was unreal…

continue reading

Saturday, January 10, 2009

January 9th, the trial was postponed again...

The Trial of the Seven continued on the 9th. The Seven refused to stand, at which the judge continued to take offense. He adjourned the court for 30 minutes, but came back 70 minutes later. Somewhere in that time, Sasun Mikaelyan and Hakob Hakobyan began singing revolutionary songs, which they continued to do even when the judge came back. He then postponed the trial, yet again, until the 13th of January.

The reporters have to be in a separate room, on the second floor, where they watch the proceedings on a large screen, with very poor sound quality. Some are allowed in to the courtroom itself, but they are not allowed to record anything. Arzumanyan said, “The judge has not made such a decision during the session. In that case, who is there above the judge that has made such a decision between the 2 sessions? The answer to this question is very essential for our further collaboration.” Many journalists have made a statement regarding this issue (see below).

Arzumanyan also questioned the fact that the judge has not asked the 7 why they don't stand: “The other time you postponed the session without even asking why we did not stand up. Maybe we suffer from rheumatism; maybe we are ill and present a note from a doctor.”

There is continued concern that there will be provocations within the courtroom, by characters who have been brought in for that purpose, who would then provoke family members and supporters of the 7. For this reason, family members heeded the request of the 7 and did not go into the few spaces offered to them in the courtroom.
The video below is similar whether you watch in from e-channel or a1plus. At some point in the beginning of both you can hear the Revolutionary song being sung - I think its Hakob Hakobyan in the back singing. For those interested - the song you hear starting at 0:44 is Fedayi, the lyrics of which are available transliterated, online, thanks to the ARF.


Sources:
e-channel article
a1plus article (Armenian)
tert article (Armenian) (source of photo)
RFE/RL
Journalists' Statement (English, Lragir) (Armenian, a1plus)

Thursday, January 8, 2009

Bryza, Aliev, and mixed messages...

On January 5th, RFE ran a story headlined "Aliev Again Threatens New War for Kharabakh," where he apparently stated, among other things, that war could start "any second." So I checked the Azeri sources, and lo and behold, a similar story. AzerNews on December 30, 2008, ran a piece called "Report Claims Turkey is Preparing Azerbaijan for War." And, while browsing AzerNews, I ran into this story, from January 7th, "US Garabagh mediator 'to be replaced,'" apparently because of so much work Bryza has on other issues. He's probably on his way out anyway, I would think, with the change in administration. But with so much time and energy invested into this issue, it seems strange to 'replace' him now, or, to be overwhelmed with his amount of work now. Maybe not.
But let's go back a second. Where did this huge imminent threat that Aliev speaks of come from? Yes, there have been aggressive statements and small skirmishes/acts of aggression along the border, but this seems like a new qualitative level. Potentially a reaction to something. If I had been promised a deal, rumors of which have been buzzing around for a while, and it hadn't come through, I'd react too.
Hopefully this is just the 'usual' progression of aggression in an already tense situation. Regardless, with the upcoming Trial of the Seven, the PACE proceedings and possible sanctions, and the tumbling of the economic wonderland RK and SS built over the past 10 years, the tensions and pressure must be so great, I'm surprised SS can even think straight.
In fact, he might just feel like he wishes he'd taken the blue pill instead of the red pill, and not ended up in the real mess he's in today.

Tuesday, January 6, 2009

Drugs, Guns, the ARF and the Coalition

I recently ran across a piece in a Lebanese online newspaper, El Shark (December 17, 2008), that I thought was quite interesting. Apparently there was a network that manufactured illegal drugs (speed, hallucinogens) in a laboratory in Bourj Hammoud, Lebanon, for years. The network, of approximately 22 people, sold drugs to people near schools, businesses and on the streets. There was an attempt to capture the ring leader, who seems to have escaped off to Belgium. The leader is identified only as K.M. The article says the information is from communications close to a high security source. What I hear is that K.M. is known to be the son of the Chair of the ARF in Lebanon, Hovig Mkhitarian, and that this recent news, though not well publicized by the Armenian sources, is something that everyone is talking about. Not only that, but what I've also heard is that during the raids, many people were arrested, and most of then were sons of the leadership of the ARF.

This story reminded me immediately of an incident in February, 1997. Arthur Kabadaian was arrested for illegally selling guns out of an office and parking lot of St Mary's Armenian Apostolic Church in Glendale, California. Arthur Kabadaian is the son of the chairman of the Board of trustees of the church, which is affiliated with the ARF.

There are other stories like these, including that of March 1999, when "Former Energy Minister Shahe Barsoumian and five others are charged with squandering public funds, embezzlement, abuse of power and forging official documents." That scandal was thought to have cost the Lebanese treasury approximately $1 billion (US). Barsoumian was a member of the Central Committee of the ARF, and was known to have donated very, very large amounts to the ARF.

Now, SS is in a coalition with these folks. Maybe they've changed their ways. Plus, after all, these are individuals, not the entire organization, right? But Haykakan Zhamanak (February 13, 2008) published a letter that Serge Sargsyan himself wrote, back in 1995, about the ARF, after they had been banned from Armenia in December, 1994. Here are some excerpts, translated:

By the decision of the highest body of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation—the Buro—there has been established throughout the expanse of Armenia a so-called "Dro" economic intelligence structure. This structure has been established in secrecy at the bowels of the political organization and its primary aim has been to have at the disposal of the party a multi-branched intelligence network each member of which has been trained to be used under illegal circumstances to effectuate unlawful operations.

The members of "Dro" have worked in the following directions:

-The gathering of information in the military, political, and economic spheres
-Economic activities, both legal and illegal
-Assassinations; terrorism, with political motivations
-Illegal international drug trafficking; smuggling ...

...Having as its goal the development of both legal and illegal economic activities, with the aim of producing short term profits, which was to be used not only to cover the personal needs of these members but also to supply funds to both the legal and illegal structures of the Dashnaktsutyun, they have also created a special team, armed them and have not shied away from securing profits through illegal operations.

Specifically, in the fall of 1994 they organized the smuggling of about five kilograms of heroin to Yerevan by residents of Beirut, by hiding the drug in a variety of articles. Subsequently, they moved two and one half kilograms of the heroin to Moscow and were arrested by agents of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation when attempting to find buyers for the heroin and to sell it. During the interrogation in Moscow it became clear that the balance of the heroin was stashed in an apartment in Yerevan rented for that particular purpose. That portion of the heroin was seized in Yerevan following a special operation. The search of the apartment also led to the discovery of large amounts of arms, ammunition and explosive materials which were also seized.


And, as per the Haykakan Zhamanak article, this document was signed by Sargsyan himself. I don't think he forgot about his original sentiments regarding the ARF.

Let's take a look again at some of Sargsyan's first actions after taking over. Let's take a look at who is in that coalition: Orinats Yerkir (Rule of Law Party) led by Arthur Baghdassaryan, the Republican Party (HHK) led by Sargsyan, Barkavach Hayastan (Prosperous Armenia Party) led by Gagik Tsarukyan, and the Dashnaktsutyun (ARF) led by Armen Rustamyan. As we all know, Arthur Baghdassaryan was opposition prior to losing the election, and claimed his life had been threatened by Sargsyan's people. Gagik Tsarukyan, whom you may recognize as the infamous Dodi Gago, has whole stories to be written about him.

And then there's Armen Rustamyan of the ARF, whom we saw so graciously raising his champagne glass along with Serge Sargsyan in celebration of the formation of the coalition.

It's interesting the lengths people are willing to go to to save their own hides. Sargsyan turned his back on so many, including the people of NK, the people of RoA, and his previously discovered facts and intelligence to save his own skin. While LTP persisted in insisting on peaceful demonstrations as the path to power, even at the height of everything, even when a non-peaceful path would likely have brought him victory. That decision has left at least some of his supporters disillusioned. But that is the price of internal consistency, I suppose.

The ARF and Sargsyan deserve each other. But they most certainly don't deserve the people of Armenia or Nagorno Kharabagh.

Saturday, January 3, 2009

Website: Nikol Pashinyan


A new website is up and running, pertaining to Nikol Pashinyan, still on the run, On the Other Side of the World, so many months later.

NikolPashinyan.com

Thursday, January 1, 2009

2008: Reflections on an Impasse

2008: Reflections on an Impasse

The turn of a new year marks the end of some of the most troubled, and troubling, months in what is already a very tumultuous recent history in Armenia. At least 10 are dead, and multitudes beaten, including journalists, with no one to answer. Over 70 activists remain imprisoned. The government continues to work towards a resolution to the Karabagh issue, being targeted from all sides by powers who seek to instill their own gain in the negotiations, and under the watchful eyes of those who disagree with the fundamental approach and question the motivation of the effort in light of the continuing oppression in the country. Armenia is starting 2009 with more questions, rifts and bruises than any in recent history. And yet, it is difficult to say how Armenia, and we as Armenians, will be able to move Armenia out of this impasse.

Before proceeding, though, it is important to establish the basic foundation upon which this impasse rests. Namely, that the February election was quite clearly neither free nor fair. This fact can hardly be denied by the authorities themselves or some of their most fervent allies. Both the Rule of Law party (OYP) and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation ("ARF" or "Dashnaktsutiun") made it absolutely clear immediately after the election that what had taken place was a fraud on the electorate. Just one day after the election, Vahan Hovannisian, the ARF presidential candidate, resigned from his position as Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly, and referred to "an atmosphere of intolerance, hatred, intimidation and threats" throughout the pre-election period, as well as numerous violations and irregularities during the election itself. Arthur Baghdassarian, the leader of OYP, had lambasted the authorities with grave charges of mismanagement and corruption in an interview conducted from his home just a few weeks prior to the election, and subsequently charged the authorities with having leveled death threats against him.

The fact that the OYP and the ARF changed their tune and became part of the coalition government was, quite frankly, less a change of heart and more a matter of political convenience, or opportunism, depending on ones vantage point. For Baghdassarian, being part of the coalition government could provide leverage for his already faint OYP, and the post of Chairman of the National Security Council was at least one better than what was being offered to Levon Ter-Petrosian, a robbed and ransacked presidential election. For the ARF, this was an opportunity to engage in carrot-and-stick diplomacy. Immediately following the elections it was apparent that the authorities would desperately attempt to put together a coalition government, and if the ARF could become the hinge that holds the pieces together, its bargaining position would be greatly enhanced.

But the elections were just the beginning. To further add to the troubles of having ascended to power in a less than flattering manner, the president-elect was taxed with his predecessor's response to the protests following the election. Thousands of peaceful protestors were dispersed by baton wielding riot police and special military forces in the early morning hours of March 1st, resulting in at least ten deaths and hundreds of serious injuries sustained by those who simply dared voice an opinion contrary to the state. In the course of a week, thousands were detained and hundreds arrested on political grounds. The State of Emergency imposed following March 1st further widened the gap between president-elect Sargsian from his supposed constituency. A man who just a year prior was widely considered to be the only logical choice for president was now faced with having to account for his legitimacy.

So once sworn in, president Sargsian had to act. In the months immediately after the elections, numerous dismissals and new appointments were made, and there is a continuous shifting of positions to this day. Tigran Sarkisian, a widely respected economist who differs both in substance and form from what has become the norm in the Armenian political arena, was appointed Prime Minister. Two experienced appointments were quick to follow: Edward Nalbandian as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Seyran Ohanian as Minister of Defense. Next, both the heads of customs and the tax authority, individuals who had earned themselves reputations as two of the most corrupt officials in Armenia, were dismissed, and ambitious reforms in both fields were implemented to ensure compliance. According to the authorities, a major obstacle of internal governance was corruption, which, they vowed, would be eradicated on their watch. Most recently, Hovik Abrahamyan, aka "Muk", was elected President of the National Assembly. "Forward, Armenia!"

And in the first few months, eyebrows of the audience of this macabre drama were raised at the promises and shifts in government. Did the new coalition government appear to be making strides forward? Were these appointments and adjustments a manifestation of real change, or simply cosmetics in hopes of assuaging the public at large and the international community? Was the new administration in fact different from its preceding one? The answers, of course, lie in the authorities handling of the political state of affairs, internal and external, since February 19. It quickly became obvious to all those informed that these steps amounted to a square dance, a self perpetuating, repeating pattern of the old government, perhaps with slight adjustments. After those first few months, it became clear that even if the new president wanted to dig a new track for himself, there were powers making it extremely difficult for him to do so. And, in a sense, the opposition's existence today equates to a mirror being held up to the coalition government; the extent of their sincerity in implementing reforms is directly reflected in that mirror.

Both the authorities and their allies have consistently charged Ter-Petrossyan and his supporters with treason. The basic argument posed is quite reasonable; political discontent should be expressed through political means that do not pose a violent threat to legitimate governance. Otherwise, naturally, any internal challenge to the rule of law is necessarily a national security threat to the state, as well. Therefore, claim these gentlemen, Ter-Petrossyan's continued insistence on holding "illegal" rallies and calls for the resignation of the current authorities hinders governance and jeopardizes national security.

So what are these political means? In a democracy, one usually depends on the different branches of government to provide the essential balance necessary to protect against tyranny. The legislature makes the laws, the executive implements such laws, and the judiciary upholds them. The system is sustained by the independence of these three branches from one another. That is, in order to maintain the proper functionality of the system, none of these three branches should, ideally, become dependent on any of the others. Furthermore, democratic legislatures contain rival factions that counterbalance one another. As such, representation in the legislature becomes a direct reflection of the general electorate's political partiality, providing dissenting voices with an opportunity to be heard.

It would be comical to suggest that the judiciary in Armenia exercises independent discretion. Quite frankly, when the executive branch says jump, Armenia's judiciary seems to be all too happy to quickly inquire, "Just how high?" This is evidenced by the verdicts that are being read in courtrooms across Armenia against the political prisoners that were rounded up within the course of a couple of weeks after the elections. In fact, the one time that a member of the judiciary attempted to interpret the law in light of his professional judgment (and, at the time, the only time a judge decided against the state), he was rebuked and dismissed by then president Kocharian, who, apparently, had a better understanding of the law despite his lack of a legal education. Looking at the courtrooms themselves is the best gauge of whether there is an independent judiciary. Gagik Jahangiryan continues today to use legal arguments, citing article after article against his prosecutor, in a courtroom that seems to be writing its own constitution. The sentencing of Ashot Manukyan to 5 years in prison for throwing a rock at a policeman's foot is yet another example. Note that, not a single individual, uniformed or otherwise, who fired a bullet has been put on trial yet.

And then there's the 131 member National Assembly. While in most democracies the National Assembly fairly resembles the political divisions in society, Armenia's National Assembly only contains six opposition representatives, all members of the Heritage faction. Furthermore, even the mere expression of dissent seemed to upset then President of the National Assembly, Tigran Torosyan, and the dominant faction he represented, the Republican Party of Armenia. Immediately following the events of March 1st, Mr. Torosyan gave an empassioned speech as to why immunity should be suspended for certain lawmakers who sympathized with the opposition. And now, Mr. Abrahamyan has taken Mr. Torosyan's place.

In light of all this, just how do the authorities suggest that the opposition, or anyone else for that matter, resort to "political means" in an attempt to have their concerns addressed? But before attempting to answer this question, let us reflect upon some of the valid criticisms levied against Ter-Petrossyan and his opposition movement. Yes, the opposition did, briefly in its inception, resort to certain populistic tendencies in an attempt to gain political leverage against the current authorities. Yes, Levon Ter-Petrossyan's rhetoric did in fact take a somewhat negative turn during the presidential campaign, and it may have indeed incited anger and maybe even hatred towards the current authorities. And in light of all this, yes, the contentions that Ter-Petrossyan contributed to the dangerous divide in society we observed post March 1st are at least understandable.

That said, the fact of the matter remains that there are no political means available whatsoever to the opposition, and to suggest otherwise is attributable to either intentional misrepresentation or ignorance. Furthermore, it would be too foolish to consider Ter-Petrossyan, or the opposition movement for that matter, as sole players in bringing about the societal division experienced. The Kocharian-Sargsian duo should at least claim some responsibility for this divide. While March 1st served as the catalyst to the realization of this division, the seeds were planted much earlier, and could not have started or developed without the help of the ruling duo, and the growing corruption and mismanagement of the past ten years. The events of that fateful day were merely the release of the tensions that had been building due to the inequalities and hypocrisies that had manifested themselves in almost all sectors of the Kocharian-Sargsian government.

Then there's the issue of the political prisoners. President Sargsian could have set in motion a new era in Armenian politics and salvaged his legitimacy by releasing the political prisoners upon taking office. Even the opposition acknowledged that the new president was presented with the opportunity to distance himself from his predecessor by releasing the over 100 captives who had been detained because of their political views. Sadly, this was not to be. More than nine months later, Representative Hastings' words ring as true today as the day they were spoken to Vigen Sargsian in Washington: "And if…you tell me that there are no political prisoners, then I will tell you that you are out of your ever-loving mind. Because there are."

Nevertheless, while Yerevan continues to boil with friction, "Forward, Armenia." Contracts surfaced with a Washington based public relations firm with directions of making Armenia appear more democratic; a new ministerial post was erected by president Sargsian to deal with Diasporan affairs; Turkey's Gul was invited to Armenia to watch a soccer game with the president in hopes improving relations with Turkey; Foreign Minister Nalbandian signed a non-proliferation agreement with the United States; Headways are made on the Kharabagh front with the Moscow Declaration…

These cosmetic reforms and refusal to acknowledge the state of affairs only contributes further to the notion that the new administration is simply a continuation of the former. The presence of Armen Gevorkyan, the replacement of Tigran Torosyan by Hovik Abrahamyan, two key figures in the Kocharyan administration, reinforce this perspective. President Sargsyan need not spend hundreds of thousands on making Armenia appear more democratic when he in fact has an opportunity to make Armenia more democratic. If we understand the concept of a Ministry of Foreign Affairs correctly, than a ministerial post dealing with Diasporan affairs seem to be a pacifier of sorts tossed at certain Diasporan entities to win their passive acceptance. What is the rationale of publicly displaying Armenia's "benevolence" by extending an invitation to our neighbor Turkey (criticized by the ARF, a member of the ruling coalition) through a public medium across the Atlantic, the Washington Post? Is there truly headway on the Kharabagh issue, as there continues to be an undercurrent of unprecedented secrecy to the negotiations and strong opposition to what amounts, in the eyes of some, to the selling of Kharabagh. In fact, almost every one of these so-called advances is wrought with doubt, and potentially concerning motivations.

We do not believe ourselves too incredulous in surmising that the president was less concerned with soccer diplomacy, and more with seeming an able and ready communicator and compromiser of sorts. While this in itself is a noble objective, it is nonetheless something he has not been with the very opposition the current administration continues to repress. Besides, has the president forgotten that both he and his predecessor vehemently condemned Ter-Petrossyan for suggesting that relations with Turkey should be improved? Are not the terms that current administration is willing to accept for the resolution of the Kharabagh conflict essentially similar, if not the same or even worse, to those proposed by Ter-Petrossyan ten years ago?

The authorities' manipulation of the crisis in Georgia was no less indicative of just what this particular regime is concerned with – cementing its legitimacy while simultaneously silencing the opposition. Prime Minister Sarkisian, in a televised address, warned the public that opposition to the authorities in volatile "times like these" would undermine Armenia's geopolitical positioning and further encourage Azerbaijan's rhetorical tirade. Furthermore, since politics has no place in academia, the premier continued, he was urging the Ministry of Education to strictly prohibit educators throughout Armenia from bringing their political views into their classrooms. Mr. Sarkisan, of course, did not mean for this to include educators who pander to the authorities, but rather those few who being fed up with the amoral and baseless state of affairs may from time to time express dissatisfaction with the current state of affairs.

We are not blind followers of the opposition or its de facto leader, Ter-Petrosyan. Nevertheless, we find it impossible to tolerate the current authorities' continued push to create an environment dominated by intimidation, lies, and the suppression of various fundamental human rights.

We hope the best for Armenia, and her people, for the New Year.


Save Armenia Action Group [SAAG]

Tzizternak [tzitzernak2.blogspot.com]